Making sense of social housing in NSW

Social housing operates within a complex glob of morphing policies and procedures, prodded by occasional shifts in public policy at both a state and federal level that draw various laws, instruments and agreements into contact with one another in a range of ways. A sound working knowledge of the sector in its entirety can take years to develop, and once established could fall apart within an instant should one glance away at precisely the wrong moment.

A case in point is last year's announcement that the management of large swathes of tenanted public housing properties will be transferred to community housing landlords in New South Wales, in keeping with the Council of Australian Governments' (COAG) National Affordable Housing Agreement (NAHA), which was negotiated during the early days of the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd Government era. The announcement of the Management Transfer Program sparked some discussion here on the Brown Couch, and across the broader sector, about just who these community housing landlords are. How do they come to be in the business of housing people from the public housing waiting list since they're not run by the Government of NSW?

The plot thickens, as the results of the Program's tendering process have now been announced. Over the next couple of years, management of around 14,000 tenanted public housing properties across six different regions is to be handed to nine community housing landlords who are already operating in other parts of the state. So... now is a good time to take a look at what it means to be a "social housing" landlord in New South Wales.

Given we've already mentioned the NAHA, we should note it is the intergovernmental agreement that determines who takes responsibility for what within our housing systems across Australia. As an agreement among the Commonwealth, state and territory governments it is a static document, although it is intended to be renegotiated and updated from time to time. It has been altered quite a bit since its series of predecessors first took form: established in the 1940's as the "Commonwealth State Housing Agreements" as something of a post-war nation building scheme; and it is currently being renegotiated as a "National Housing and Homelessness Agreement".

Regardless of form, or name, these agreements have generally all set out to achieve the same objective: to set the conditions under which the Commonwealth would give funding to the states to run their public housing schemes. These agreements have been broad enough to allow each state and territory to run their housing programs as they see fit, as indeed they do. A strong focus of the current agreement has been to shift the delivery of housing assistance and services away from government to the not-for-profit sector, and successive NSW Governments have responded - indeed contributed - by attempting to consolidate and build our community housing sector. Notably, this included the regulation of the sector in 2010, with a state based scheme that has since been replaced by the National Regulatory System for Community Housing. It also included the establishment of a single waiting list for housing assistance, accessible through a portal known as Housing Pathways, under which any participating landlord could both process applications for and make offers of subsidised rental housing to eligible households.

In this context our language and legislation has come to reflect the idea of "social housing". With this term we could be referencing either or both of its constituent parts: "public housing" or "community housing"; and for practical purposes the only difference is whether the landlord is the government or a not-for-profit agency who has been contracted by government to provide the same essential service. Of course, things become more complicated when we consider the public policy implications of this rhetorical shift, as it gives our still predominantly neoliberal governments easy cover to withdraw from the direct provision of public housing proper, and focus entirely on the setting of policy instead. They do this on the grounds that "community housing landlords are well placed and can do it better", although this is far from an established truth. While we can have no objection to the growth of this community housing sector, the fact that it only ever seems to happen at the expense of our established public housing provider is a simple reflection of the State's entrenched reluctance to pay for and provide social housing. Given the sector has spent the better part of a decade trying to attract private finance to its cause, it reflects a certain level of disinterest in housing-as-shelter from the profit-driven private sector as well - as an aside, it will be interesting to watch how the emerging "build-to-rent" discussion proceeds from here.

Right - so while all of that is going on at the higher level, there is a somewhat consistent legal framework setting the scene in the meantime for social housing landlords and tenants across New South Wales. Although with the right political will the statutes under which social housing policies are determined can be changed - as we have seen throughout the last couple of years with mandatory evictions for social housing tenants and the introduction of concurrent leasing by the Land & Housing Corporation to enable the current Management Transfer Program - keeping tabs on the legislative framework can be a useful way to maintain one's bearings while trying to make sense of social housing.

The Residential Tenancies Act 2010 devotes an entire Part to social housing tenancy agreements, a discrete form of residential tenancy agreement to which a number of additional provisions apply. This Act defines a social housing tenancy agreement as "a residential tenancy agreement where the landlord is a social housing provider", and then defines a social housing provider as:

• the New South Wales Land & Housing Corporation
• the Aboriginal Housing Office
• a registered community housing provider within the meaning of the Community Housing Providers National Law (NSW)
• an organisation for the time being registered under Part 5 of the Aboriginal Housing Act 1998
• an organisation or a member of a class of organisation prescribed by the regulations

This immediately brings a number of other statutes into play. There's the Housing Act 2001, under which the Land & Housing Corporation is established as the legal entity that enters into residential tenancy agreements and other related dealings in residential property on behalf of the government; and under which the income based rental subsidy scheme is established. This is the legislation that gives us public housing, and it is amendments to this legislation that has enabled the emergence and establishment of community housing over many years.

There's the Community Housing Providers (Adoption of National Law) Act 2012, under which regulation of the community housing sector is provided by adoption of the Community Housing Providers National Law. This Act brings New South Wales into the National Regulatory System for Community Housing and, in some circumstances, allows the government to conditionally transfer title from the Land & Housing Corporation to a registered community housing provider. Note this has fallen out of fashion as concurrent leasing has come into play, having been made available by amendment to the Housing Act in 2016. For the time being property is being transferred to the community housing sector using this form of head-lease, but transfer of title under the Community Housing Providers (Adoption of National Law) Act remains an option.

Finally there's the Aboriginal Housing Act 1998, under which the Aboriginal Housing Office is established along similar lines to the Land & Housing Corporation, but with a specific remit to develop policy and deliver subsidised housing for Aboriginal households who rent. This Act also allows regulation of a broader Aboriginal Community Housing sector, for whom the National Regulatory Scheme for Community Housing is also being brought into play. By association, we must mention the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983, under which Local Aboriginal Land Councils who provide rental housing to their members may register with the Aboriginal Housing Office or the National Regulatory Scheme for Community Housing in order to have the requirements for approval to run a community benefits scheme that includes the provision of residential accommodation to their members waived by the NSW Aboriginal Lands Council.

The policy framework in which social housing operates is likely to keep changing, and where required legislative changes will sometimes follow. But for now, the above provides an overview of social housing in New South Wales. We'll keep an eye on the development of the National Housing and Homelessness Agreement, and take further note of any impact it might make.

In the meantime we'll do our best to answer any questions left in the comments, or sent through to us via the usual channels.

Victoria's rental revolution - how does New South Wales compare?

Yesterday we celebrated Victoria's proposed tenancy law reforms, and reflected on some tired old lines that turn up every time we give serious contemplation to improved rights for renters. Today let's take a closer look at just what the Victorian Government's "Rent Fair" package includes, and how it compares to our own laws in New South Wales.

Victorian landlords: ready to cross the border at the first sign of tenants' rights

Victoria's proposed reforms are many and varied. They've been categorised into six different groups: rental security, tenants' rights, faster payments and rental bonds, fair priced rent, pets are welcome, and modifications.

Let's dive in.

Rental security
This includes the big one: landlords must give a reason to end a tenancy. This should be rolled out in every Australian state and territory, except Tasmania where it already applies. Along with others from the community sector we've been actively campaigning on this issue here in NSW (find out more at Make Renting Fair NSW). Allowing landlords to end a tenancy without a stated reason actively undermines tenants' confidence in renting laws because they worry they'll be evicted unfairly if they make a fuss or stand up for their rights. By now this should be well established, but if you still need some convincing we recommend a quick look over the recent Unsettled report published by Choice, National Shelter and the National Association of Tenants Organisations. Three cheers for Victoria for announcing this change!

We should note that Victoria already has a long list of reasonable grounds available for landlords to use, and their "no grounds" notice comes with 120 days notice. In New South Wales we are missing some key grounds, such as where the landlord needs to recover the property for their own personal use; and our notice period is a full month shorter at 90 days. Any suggestions we can fix our own laws in New South Wales by expanding the list of grounds for termination and leaving the "no grounds" option intact just took a bit of a hit.

But here's where it starts to get flakey: the law will limit the use of the ‘end of fixed term’ notices to vacate. This will allow landlords to use what is effectively a "no grounds" notice of termination at the end of the first fixed-term period (usually six or twelve months), but not in any subsequent period if the fixed-term is renewed rather than proceeding on the basis of an open ended agreement. Make no mistake, this would be an improvement and we'd welcome a similar change in New South Wales. But in practice it will turn fixed-terms into a "probationary" period. Tenants who stick up for their rights during an initial fixed term would still have no protection against an unfair eviction, so might hold off reporting repairs and maintenance needs, or raising other concerns about their tenancy, until after the fixed term expires. It would be better to just ban the use of no-grounds notices altogether, perhaps with an exception for longer fixed-terms of say three years or more (in the spirit of compromise). This might be something the Victorian lawmakers will consider as they're working out how to encourage more long term leases, which is also included under this heading.

As for the rest of the reforms under this heading - prohibiting false, misleading or deceptive representations and requiring pre-contractual disclosure of the presence of asbestos or an intention to sell, Victoria is mostly just catching up with New South Wales, but taking a few steps further while they're at it. The need for New South Wales landlords to disclose material facts prior to entering into a tenancy agreement was introduced with our Residential Tenancies Act 2010, but it wasn't given any measures for enforcement. We're still hoping this will be fixed - along with adding the presence of asbestos in the property as a fact for disclosure - as per the recommendations of the recent review of our own renting laws.

Tenants' rights

There are two proposals under this heading. A commissioner for residential tenancies who will "champion the rights of Victorian renters in the private sector" strikes us as an interesting idea, but we'll wait and see how that plays out for awhile before we get too hung up on it. A landlord blacklist seems like an odd thing for a government to introduce, when they could just encourage greater compliance with the law by investigating complaints and issuing penalties, but we'll keep an eye on this one as well.

Faster payments and rental bonds

A move to allow a 14 day automatic bond repayment is more or less in keeping with what we've long since known and loved in New South Wales - if you can't get an agreement and both signatures on a bond claim form, then either party can make a unilateral claim that will be paid out after 14 days unless the non-claiming party raises a dispute and takes it to NCAT. Sensible, although we do think it would be better if only tenants were allowed to make a unilateral claim, allowing landlords to dispute the claim or apply to NCAT after a reasonable time if they felt they were entitled to it. Changes  to the way the early release of bond works in Victoria will be of little consequence to us in New South Wales - our law allows this at any time as long as all parties agree, or the requesting party is handing it all over to the other, whereas the Victorian proposal will extend the right to an early refund to be available in the last fourteen days of a tenancy, rather than the last seven days. The same goes for updated bond cap & up-front rent cap for most properties - these are already in place in New South Wales, where a bond may not exceed four weeks rent and no more than two weeks rent in advance can be required regardless of the type of property or amount of rent payable. The move for faster repairs reimbursement, where tenants can seek reimbursement for the cost of urgent repairs they have effected because they couldn't wait for the landlord, is a small step ahead - Victorians will be entitled to this within seven days of a request, while we could still be waiting up to fourteen days. That is, of course, assuming we've followed the process correctly - never effect an urgent repair without reading up on the law first, because failing to follow all the steps could see you permanently out of pocket.

Fair priced rent
Victoria has announced a very modest change here, that will leave us in their dust. Rent increases are already restricted in Victoria - they can't happen more than once every six months, and under the proposal this will change to once every twelve months. Meanwhile, in New South Wales, there is no limit or cap on the frequency of rent increases. In theory, your rent could go up daily and there ain't a damned thing you could do about it - provided you've been given the proper notice on each occasion - other than apply to the Tribunal and argue that a proposed increase is "excessive". Limiting rent increases to a maximum of once a year would be alright in New South Wales, but we'd also need to rework the way tenants can respond to them. It should be up to the landlord to show that a significant increase is reasonable, rather than the tenant to show that it is excessive.

This plan also proposes cracking down on rental bidding, which is something we can all get behind. The law in New South Wales is not really clear on whether it's lawful for landlords to solicit bids, but it seems okay to accept a higher rent if a tenant jumps in first. Just because you can pay more doesn't mean you should, and landlords shouldn't dangle properties in front of desperate tenants with a wink, a nudge, and a sign saying "pssst, make me an offer" hidden in the top drawer. Victoria says it will prohibit landlords from "inviting" bids, which is bad news for a couple of rent bidding apps that are sniffing around at the moment, but perhaps it could go a little further. We should be clear - in an era when governments are relying on the private sector to make up the shortfall created by chronic under-investment in social and affordable housing, allowing those with greater means to push up prices for the rest of us should be well and truly outlawed.

Pets are welcome

Pets in rental property will be allowed by right of every Victorian tenant! Or will they? The proposal says tenants will need the landlord's written permission first. It also says the landlord won't be able to unreasonably refuse, but that leaves a lot of grey area around just how rigid this new "right" will be. Further, this seems to be more of a right for people who rent and want a pet than people who have a pet and want a home to rent. Landlords will still be able to discriminate at the point of application by simply declining to rent to people with pets.

A better way to give tenants the right to keep pets would be to take a "don't ask, don't tell" approach. We should confirm once and for all that landlords have no business making decisions about who besides themselves shall get to keep a pet, and prohibit including a "no-pets" clause in tenancy agreements.

Modifications
Ensuring that tenants can make minor modifications to their home is the final piece of news coming out of the Victorian proposals. It makes good sense, and again it brings Victorian laws in line with ours in New South Wales. With this kind of reform the devil is in the detail, as questions of who gets the value of an improvement if the tenancy ends prematurely will need to be considered thoughtfully. We haven't quite gotten this right in New South Wales yet, either.

More news from down the Hume

There's been massive news out of Victoria over the weekend, with the Andrews Government pledging to make renting fair!

The announcement refers to an "unprecedented package of tenancy reforms" that includes doing away with the Victorian equivalent of unfair evictions, preventing discrimination against tenants with pets, and cracking down on rental bidding. All of these sound pretty good to us here on the Brown Couch, and we look forward to seeing further details as these proposals are implemented by amendment to Victoria's Residential Tenancies Act 1997. Early details are available here.

Of course, not everyone was happy with this announcement. ABC online reports:

The Real Estate Institute of Victoria (REIV) said the changes would force up costs, which would be passed on to renters. 

"Rents will go up, people will leave the market, there'll be less supply and that's only going to push people out of the rental market and make it more difficult for those who are seeking to rent premises cheaply," chief executive Gil King said.

But our colleague from the Tenants' Union of Victoria, Mark O'Brien, wasn't having any of it:

"Every time there's reform of the residential tenancies law, the institute claims it's the end of the world as we know it and that's never what occurs," he said.

O'Brien's view is supported by a great deal of research, which suggests property investors tend to be motivated by financial considerations rather than tenancy laws.

Still, it's a line the investor lobby and landlord advocacy groups like to trot out at times like this and we expect a similar conversation will emerge in New South Wales when at last the results of our own review of renting laws make their way towards Parliament. We've been expecting this would occur before the year is out, but now that's looking unlikely. This means we've still got time to convince our own government they should be following Victoria's lead to make renting fair - you can lend your support to our claims here.

But it also means our own landlords' and real estate agents' groups will have more time to practice their lines about tenants' rights leading to all sorts of doom and gloom for renters. "Careful what you wish for," they might say. "The changes will force up costs, rents will go up, people will leave the market, there'll be less supply and that's only going to push people out of the rental market and make it more difficult for those who are seeking to rent premises cheaply".

The thing about all this is that there's not much stopping rents from going up as it is. For a quick refresher on why this is, have a look at our earlier post about why rental affordability continues to deteriorate.

But back to the specifics of the claim. The Real Estate Institute of Victoria seems to have skimmed over their suggestion that rents will go up to offset an increase in landlords' costs. Perhaps they've cottoned on that such claims are a furphy, because even though most landlords would go out backwards without them rents are a function of what tenants can pay rather than what landlords' choose to spend when buying and holding property. Or perhaps they just don't think the Victorian proposals will add significantly to their costs so they've steered clear of any further detail. Either way, they've put their emphasis on the slightly different argument of "people will leave the market, thereby reducing supply".

We should keep an ear out for this one in New South Wales, too. It's the idea perhaps that fair renting laws will take all the fun out of property investment, so landlords will take their money and spend it on other, much simpler things. Keep in mind the same argument was made when our current laws were drafted in 2009/10, and the private rental market was hands down the most likely place for a property in New South Wales to turn up in following sale or construction between the 2011 and 2016 Census events.

Still, given the prices property owners could expect at the moment it stands to reason some might be tempted to cash out. Some might even use the prospect of law reform as a cover for their decision. Rest assured they'll be factoring in capital gains before all else, and nobody likes to sell before hitting their targeted windfalls unless they really, really have to.

Those who do sell will be doing immediate damage to their sitting tenants - just as any landlord does when selling for any other purported reason. That is, unless they sell to another investor who is not so concerned about law reform (or other purported reason), and will keep the tenancy going. Given it's mostly an investors' market at the moment this scenario is becoming more and more likely. But, on the off chance an investor cashes out by selling to a first home buyer, the net impact on supply will be zero if the buyer is leaving the private rental market in order to take up home-ownership. And if a whole lot of investors suddenly decide to sell up all at the same time, prices might start to come down a little and first home buyer activity might find some renewed vigour.

It's the landlords who take their properties with them when exiting the market that are the real problem. These are likely to be in the very small minority, since most landlords run at a loss for tax purposes, and rely on any rental income to cover their main costs which includes the interest on their loans. Nevertheless, this risk could be easily countered with a vacant property tax, the likes of which the Victorian Government has also recently proposed. The revenue from such a tax could be used to fund new social housing dwellings.

Despite what we can expect to hear from the investor lobby in the coming months, the NSW Government would do well to start taking notes on Victoria's tenancy law reform proposals.