Showing posts with label First Home Owners Grant. Show all posts
Showing posts with label First Home Owners Grant. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 8, 2017

News from down the Hume...

The Victorian Government has shown plenty of good form of late, kicking goals by announcing a suite of new housing policies: funds for social housing, new supply, first home buyer grant boosts, stamp duty exemptions, shared-equity schemes, a vacant property tax and long fixed term tenancies! Ticking all the boxes, right? Could this be the game changer Victorians have been waiting for, and should New South Wales promptly follow suit? Or is it yet another case of a government dropping the ball on housing?


Let's take a look.

Reform, growth and better outcomes for social housing
Announced late in February, this includes the establishment of a $1billion Social Housing Growth Fund as part of a collaboration amongst "government, the private and philanthropic sectors", an additional loan scheme to give community housing landlords access to cheaper finance, the transfer of some 4000 properties from public housing to community housing management, and a commitment to push the federal government not to abandon the National Affordable Housing Agreement.

What does this mean?
There has been a long and steady push across Australia, over many years, to move away from Government owned and managed social housing - or what many of us might once have called "public housing" - and place it in the hands of the non-government sector. This is reflected in the National Affordable Housing Agreement and the relatively recent establishment of a National Regulatory Scheme for Community Housing. It explains the continued rise of the Community Housing sector.

Governments are spending less and less on the construction of new public housing, and hoping more and more that the non-government sector will partner with private interests to build and manage it for them. As these partnerships develop, large swathes of our governments' existing public housing stock is being transferred over to Community Housing landlords to manage, and in some cases title has also been transferred. In other places, public housing is being demolished and rebuilt, with Community Housing landlords and private developers dividing up the new stock between them.

Should NSW do this?
Growing the social housing sector by supporting and funding Community Housing landlords makes sense, but it shouldn't come at the expense of our existing public housing system. In New South Wales the horse has already started to bolt. We've got a long history of transferring properties from the Land and Housing Corporation to a range of registered Community Housing landlords, and we have plans to transfer about another 18,000 towards the end of this year. We've established our own Social and Affordable Housing Fund, which looks remarkably similar to the Victorian model, that is intended to give Community Housing landlords access to a guaranteed revenue stream if they build and manage new social housing dwellings without the help of government.

We don't as yet have a guaranteed low-interest lending facility for Community Housing landlords, and our Government has made no public commitment to the National Affordable Housing Agreement. Given the direction our social housing policies are taking, these would both be good things for New South Wales to do.

Unlocking new communities and affordable housing
Also a late February announcement, this is essentially a rezoning package that will allow new residential housing to be built across the outer suburbs of Melbourne. It comes with a commitment to build 100 new social housing dwellings, and makes reference to experimentation with "inclusionary housing".

What does this mean?
New supply means more affordable housing, right? Well, taken on its own that's not always the case. This was explained quite well in a recent article by Peter Phibbs and Nicole Gurran in The Conversation - well worth a look if you haven't already seen it. Essentially, housing markets are not like other markets, where supply and demand are said to impact upon one another in predictable ways. With housing, bringing new supply online tends to coincide with rising prices, because it is rising prices that stimulates demand.

The Victorian Government's mention of inclusionary housing here is interesting. We expect this would require developers to set aside a proportion of any newly constructed housing for Community Housing landlords to manage as affordable rental housing. This usually means setting rents at around 80% of market value, and renting to low income workers. It's not clear what the impact of rezoning and redevelopment would be on rents in affected locations, though, but we can expect them to go up because affordability will be set against the value of newly developed, higher value homes. Thus "affordable housing" rents might actually not be as as affordable as we'd have hoped.

Should NSW do this?
Any discussion about housing affordability should place a strong focus on increasing supply - this is especially especially true for policies at state and local government levels. This is reflected in a number of rezoning and urban renewal discussions around Sydney, such as for Arncliffe and surrounds, the Central to Eveliegh corridor, Sydenham to Bankstown, the Bays Precinct, Riverwood and Telopea, to name a few. As these discussions progress, it is clear that urban renewal and redevelopment must be approached with sensitivity to established communities who stand to lose as much as others might gain. It is also clear that good urban renewal requires well developed transport and infrastructure policies as well as a focus on the design and delivery of good housing options.

The Greater Sydney Commission is toying with small targets for inclusionary zoning as part of its grand new plan. This is great, but it needs to go further. Indeed, our Government could implement an inclusionary zoning scheme that covers even greater parts of the state, so that more affordable housing becomes a feature of every new residential development where it's needed. But, as we've cautioned above, this shouldn't be seen as a solution in isolation because affordability will be set against the value of newly developed homes. Renewal and redevelopment implies bringing higher-value stock into the neighbourhood, and this puts upward pressure on final costs to the householder. It is also not in renters' best interests if new developments are driven by investors' appetite for capital gains, rather than stable housing for families and others who need it.

First home buyer grant doubled for regional Victoria
Announced in early March, the Victorian first home owner grant - or first home builder grant as it might better be known - will double from $10,000 to $20,000 for regional properties from July 1st.

What does this mean?
The grant is only available for first home buyers who purchase or build new homes valued at $750,000 or less. In theory it encourages first time buyers to increase supply by commissioning new construction or buying off the plan - but homes at below $750,000 are getting harder and harder to find. Doubling the grant for "regional" buyer/builders is likely to stimulate construction and development outside of Victoria's metropolitan centres, and give first timers an even shot against investors who are happy to borrow up big and negatively gear. But it's not likely to have much impact in areas where highly paid jobs are hard to come by. It might just end up pushing up prices in parts of the state where housing is still nominally affordable, as the availability of grants are factored into land values and developer costs.

Should NSW do this?
NSW already limits first home owner grants to newly built dwellings, but it doesn't double the grant for regional buyers. The newly announced Victorian scheme does bear some resemblance to the old Regional Relocation Home Buyers Grant, which could be applied to any home 100 kilometres or more from any metropolitan centre in NSW purchased for less than $600,000 (or land under $450,000). It was later amended to apply to homes 50 kilometres or more from a metropolitan centre, to give it a bit of a kick-along. The scheme ended late in 2014 amidst claims that demand for it was weak. Reports at the time confirm this, citing then Deputy Premier Andrew Stonor:
The Regional Relocation Homebuyers Grant - which has no direct tie to employment - has not been as successful as the Skilled Regional Relocation Incentive in stimulating growth and employment in regional NSW and therefore it will not be continued.
So, any inflationary concerns of a first home builders grants aside, it appears attracting first home builders to regional areas is not the best way to develop regional economies. You've got to put jobs there first. Even so, if first home buyer/builders aren't so easily lured from the city to take up an option in the regions, the impact on rental markets in the city will be negligible. On the other hand, rental markets in the regions could start to falter, as local renters move to owner-occupation while increasing supply and creating new vacancies, and this could prompt regional investors to look to city markets instead. Given the majority of investors buy established dwellings rather than newly built homes, and those who do buy off-the-plan buy properties that are not well suited to the needs of renters, this would compound the affordability problems that are already at play for renters in New South Wales' metropolitan centres.

Stamp duty abolished for first home buyers
Also announced in early March, stamp duties will be abolished for Victorian first home buyers on properties valued at under $600,000. Concessions will apply for properties valued between $600,000 and $750,000. Significantly, this will apply to both newly built and established dwellings, while exemptions for investors purchasing newly built homes will be wound back.

What does this mean?
Stamp duties are levied as a percentage of a property's purchase price, on a sliding scale. In Victoria, properties purchased at between $130,000 and $960,000 attract duties of $2870 plus 6 per cent of the value that exceeds $130,000. Thus, a first home buyer purchasing a property worth $600,000 will save around $15,000. Or, as is more likely, first home buyers looking to buy at around the $600,000 mark will feel like they have an extra $15,000 to spend. Set against an investor who is prepared to borrow up big because they can negatively gear, this could help to level the playing field. But it won't make houses more affordable. It will instead bring first home buyers back into the bidding war, with more money in their pockets. As it wont do anything to stimulate new supply, it is unlikely to create new rental vacancies by removing frustrated home buyers from the rental market. They'll most likely be displacing a household and creating new demand for another property anyway.

Should NSW do this?
First home buyers in New South Wales are already exempt from paying stamp duties on the purchase of newly built homes valued at up to $550,000, and concessions apply for newly built homes valued at between $550,000 and $650,000. Exemptions also apply to land valued at up to $350,000, and concessions for land valued at between $350,00 and $450,000. Stamp duties are payable where a first home buyer purchases an established dwelling.

Theoretically the New South Wales exemptions are preferable to those announced for Victoria, because they act as a direct stimulus for new supply. However, property in New South Wales is no more affordable today than it was when these exemptions were introduced in 2012. Stamp duty exemptions and concessions can not rightly be regarded as a housing affordability measure.

Shared-equity schemes
The Victorian Government will set up a new scheme to purchase up to 400 homes and on-sell a 75% stake in them to first home buyers. The scheme will retain the remaining 25% interest in each property.

What does this mean?
There are a number of variables that need to be considered before this can be properly answered - what, aside from equity, does a 75% stake in property get you? Who covers the costs of ongoing repairs and maintenance? Who receives the gain from any capital improvements? Can the property be placed into the private rental market some time down the track?

There's no doubt these questions and more can be answered. There's also no doubt they'll need to be before the scheme can be properly rolled out, and we look forward to seeing the detail. But questions aside, there's still the matter of whether or not it's a good idea. Some have suggested it will encourage home buyers to take on a more expensive home than they might otherwise have considered - or even have been able to afford! - which could have an inflationary impact. We're inclined to agree, but in a policy environment in which house price reductions are never, ever contemplated a well designed shared equity scheme might be about the best a frustrated home buyer could ask for.

Should NSW do this?
There is no comparable program in New South Wales. As we've suggested, we're not entirely convinced it's the best idea ever, but we'll be keeping an eye on it. Again, if it is to have any beneficial effect on the rental market it would need to be directly linked to the construction of new homes.

Vacant residential property tax
The proposed introduction of a Vancouver style vacant property tax has also been announced. This will be a 1% levy on the "capital improved" value of property in Melbourne's inner and middle rings that sits vacant for more than six months in any year. Of course, exemptions will apply, and it will be up to property owners to self-nominate their liability to pay the tax. Exemptions include properties used as a holiday home, those needed for city-based workers who principally reside elsewhere, deceased estates and homes whose owners are temporarily overseas.

What does this mean?
Put simply, habitable properties in Melbourne's inner suburbs, that are left vacant, will attract a new tax. This will encourage property owners to put their dwellings to more effective use, either by selling them or renting them out. But the exemptions may be too broad, and too easily applied, for the tax to have any real impact. Property owners - especially those who do not live in Australia - might be prepared to try their luck and avoid notifying the authorities that their property qualifies for this new tax. Nevertheless, the introduction of a vacant property tax sends an important message.

Should NSW do this?
There is no similar tax for Sydney, and there ought to be. The ideal solution of a broad based land tax that would apply regardless of whether a property is vacant remains our hope, but a vacant property tax is a good step along the way.

Long fixed term tenancies
... and now for our favourite announcement: long term security for tenants and landlords. The Victorian Residential Tenancies Act will be amended so that fixed term tenancy agreements of five years or more are no longer excluded from its coverage, and a new standard long term tenancy agreement will be developed. A website will be developed to help landlords and tenants who want a long term tenancy agreement to find each other.

What does this mean?
Long fixed term tenancies of five years or more are rare throughout Australia, and Victorian tenancies are no exception. The Victorian law reform process seems to have concluded that bringing five year agreements under their renting laws will encourage their use - but actually the opposite is more likely to be true. Not being bound by the provisions of a Residential Tenancies Act means that parties are free to contract with one another as they see fit, and can enter into agreements that are suited to their specific needs. When forming a long term legal relationship as a landlord and tenant, being able to determine who takes responsibility for what, and how proprietary interests are to be shared between the parties without regard to a particular regulatory scheme, should encourage people to negotiate and take on such agreements in much higher numbers. But it has not, which tells us that it is not the prevailing regulatory environment that is hindering the establishment of long fixed term tenancies.

None-the-less, the idea that long fixed term tenancies need to be encouraged by producing "standard long term agreements" that alter the established, legislated rights of tenants and landlords - such as we have recently been discussing in New South Wales - persists. The Victorian announcement suggests a new standard form long term tenancy agreement will be developed in consultation with stakeholders - much as we have been discussing in New South Wales. From what we are hearing, one of the first suggestions to find its way into these discussions is to shift the repairs and maintenance obligations from landlords to tenants - much as we have been discussing here in New South Wales.

Should NSW do this?
Encouraging the use of longer fixed term tenancies is certainly a worthy discussion, but as we've seen it is not really the regulatory environment that will drive them. Our Residential Tenancies Act already covers long fixed term tenancy agreements, and it already allows certain mandatory terms of a tenancy agreement to be waived for fixed term agreements of 20 years or more. But, just like in Victoria, long fixed term tenancies are very hard to come by in New South Wales. Trying to encourage their use by legislating reduced rights and increased costs for tenants who would like one is not something we're comfortable with.

On the other hand, we know that stability and security are critical issues for tenants, so we can understand the appeal of an announcement like this. When people hear "long term tenancies" they probably think "protection against unfair eviction". That's something we'd like to see built into our renting laws, too, and it is possible that long fixed term tenancy agreements could deliver this. But to do that in any kind of meaningful way long fixed terms would need to become the standard, rather than something that could be offered by landlords on a take-it-or-leave it basis. This does not appear to be what's getting traction in Victoria, and it is not what's being considered in New South Wales.

The website is an interesting idea though, and it could be worth setting something up along similar lines and using it to inform any decision about introducing a new standard long fixed term agreement in New South Wales. It would give a clear indication of the demand for long fixed term tenancies, and could also give us some insight into the kinds of terms on which landlords would be willing to offer them. Moreover, it could tell us whether tenants would genuinely accept those terms. For this to be useful, landlords would need to share information and data relevant to the terms they are prepared to offer. For instance, if a long term tenancy is to be offered on the condition that a tenant takes on repairs and maintenance obligations, details of the condition of the property would need to be disclosed. This would include, for instance, an independent assessment of projected repairs and maintenance costs over the course of the agreement.

Monday, March 6, 2017

Federal Budget Watch - I rent and I vote!

The plot thickens as Federal Budget night edges near, with Treasurer Scott Morrison confirming the 2017-18 budget will include a "housing package" of sorts.

Comes with everything you need to construct a
new gingerbread house for Mickey and Minnie!

Speaking to Sky News on Sunday, he said:
I'm as much concerned about someone who is on a low income struggling with their rent as I am with someone who I know wants to get into the home ownership market. They're both important challenges.
This is fantastic news! In a remarkable break from tradition, the Federal Treasurer has acknowledged that people in rental stress are doing it tough!!!

Just exactly what this means is still a matter for speculation, but Morrison has suggested he'd like to collaborate with the states and territories to deliver a supply side intervention. This is in keeping with reports he's considering an Affordable Housing Bond Aggregator while backing away from the National Affordable Housing Agreement. It also fits nicely with current mutterings in favour of inclusionary zoning reforms for New South Wales. All things considered, this points to an increase in available funds for community housing landlords to deliver Affordable Housing tenancies - that is, tenancies offered at around 80% of market rents to eligible renters - while leaving the social housing system that delivers significantly more secure and affordable homes to low income households to fend for itself. This would be two steps forward and three steps back.

It remains pretty clear that tax reform wont make a strong appearance, if it makes one at all. Morrison derided the Opposition's intention to limit negative gearing and capital gains tax discounts as a "silver bullet" plan, implying such changes might not produce the Government's desired outcome of increasing supply. With respect, it's hard to see how tweaking the current tax regime to shift investor demand towards new construction would not deliver such a result, but given the extent to which the Government has steeled itself against the Opposition's tax and housing policies it would be a surprise to see them come out and support them now. That's a real shame, because as far as structural reform to improve Australia's private rental market goes, negative gearing and the capital gains tax discount are the low-hanging fruit.

The focus on increased supply over diminished speculative demand adds intrigue to any suggestion that incentives for first home owners might also be in the mix. From "no-deposit" loans for renters to allowing would-be home owners to dip into their superannuation to come up with a deposit, it seems the only kind of incentive that hasn't yet been flagged is a direct grant to first home buyers. Most would accept by now that grants for home buyers really just push prices higher and do very little to make housing affordable, beyond some light relief for those already in a position to buy. But for some reason these other kinds of incentive seem to be taken seriously. Indeed, they play off the idea that house prices rising in perpetuity is not only inevitable, but desirable, and that we must do everything within our means to minimise the number of people who miss out on the housing goldmine. Even if it means selling off the silverware for scrap.

Such incentives are not really housing affordability measures at all, but measures to encourage more people to buy into an unaffordable housing market. Without linking such incentives to the construction of new dwellings they would do little to relieve the stress on the rental market - a home buyer who exits the rental market after purchasing an established dwelling does not produce a new rental vacancy if the household they've displaced still requires somewhere to live. So, if the Treasurer does go against the Brown Couch's advice and moves to introduce some kind of incentive for first home buyers, it would need to be tied to the construction of a new dwelling if it is to qualify as a measure to combat rental stress. Anything less should not even be considered window dressing.

Again, this is all speculation, which is, after all, our national pass time. No doubt we'll be discussing this further between now and Budget Night on Tuesday May 9th.

Monday, October 21, 2013

Grattan Institute on housing subsidies

We were just saying in Anti-Poverty Week how our housing system, in the absence of a genuine housing policy, enriches some while it impoverishes others – now the Grattan Institute puts some numbers on the problem.

The Institute's report, 'Renovating Housing Policy' looks at the cost and allocation of subsidies provided by Australian governments and delivered through the private housing system.

The winners are home owners, recipients of $36 billion (on average, $6100 per household) in tax expenditures and other benefits each year. These subsidies come from the exemption of owner-occupied housing from capital gains tax, land tax, income tax (on imputed rents), and the assets test for the Age Pension, and the First Home Owners Grants. Take a bow, home owners.

Runners-up are the landlords, recipients of $6.8 billion (on average, $4500 per household) in subsidies per year. These subsidies come from our generous tax treatment of capital gains and negative gearing.

And limping in in third place: private renters, whose Commonwealth Rent Assistance is worth, on average, $2900 per household per year.


All in all, more than 90 per cent of housing subsidies go to property owners. Some further dimensions of the inequity of our housing system are also made clear in the report.

First, rates of home ownership are declining, particularly amongst younger and lower-income households, so access to these subsidies is concentrating amongst older households and higher-income households.




Secondly, amongst owner-occupiers and landlords, the largest subsidies go to the households with the highest incomes.

The report concludes with a call for the renovation of housing policy, including such sensible measures as a broad-based land tax, a reduction in the preferential treatment of negative gearing and capital gains, and tenancy law reform to improve tenants' security and freedom of choice (for example, the choice to keep a pet).

A final thing: you might wonder where social housing fits in housing subsidy league table. The report doesn't say, but according to the most recent data from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, of public housing households who receive a rental rebate, the average amount is just under $6300 per year. Which puts their level of housing subsidy just ahead of most home owners, but still behind the level of subsidy that goes to homeowners in the top 20 per cent by incomes.

Wednesday, September 4, 2013

Where do the parties stand on housing: part 5 – Saul Eslake (a non-party)

Yesterday we commended the Greens for their housing policy, including their 'Better Deal for Renters'. Today we commend Saul Eslake, whose natural habitat is the big end of town, on his  outline for a better housing policy – different from, but complementary to that of the Greens – and his critique of Australia's '50 years of housing failure'.


Please follow that link to Prosper Australia – it is essential reading.

Australia's two major parties do have a housing policy, despite their silence on the subject at election time. Their longstanding mutual policy is, tragically, to treat housing not as the seat of security and comfort that is the right of every citizen, but rather as a get-richer-quick scheme. In recent years, it has become a shady adjunct to retirement incomes policy, transferring the future incomes of younger households to older households for their present consumption.

There are plenty of people in both the major parties who would dispute this, because they genuinely don't see housing this way, and regard making housing less accessible and more expensive by deliberate policy as unconscionable. On their terms, then, faced with a 50-year track record of failure, they must change their parties' housing policies.

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

The Brown Couch's Budget Reply Speech

It is with regret that the Brown Couch, having applauded the Federal Government's second stimulus package in February, must now issue a strong boo in reply to its Budget.


(Boo!)

The booing is deserved for two reasons.

The first, of course, is the decision to extend the Boost to the First Home Owners Grant until the end of the year (albeit at a reduced amount for the last three of the six months). So first home buyers can continue to pay too much for their housing for the next six months (and, because almost all of them also borrow heavily, they will also be paying too much for the next three decades or so).

I understand the argument that the Boost, as it applies to newly-built dwellings, stimulates employment in the building industry. But that argument doesn't hold in relation to existing dwellings, which is where most of the Boost money goes. (And I think the housing industry lobby agrees. In the pre-Budget speculation about the fate of the Boost, they were implicitly saying: keep the newly-built-dwelling-Boost and, if you must, ditch the existing-dwelling-Boost.)

The Boost, as it applies to existing dwellings, doesn't keep builders and tradies employed. Let's call it for what it is: it's part of Australia's own housing-bubble bailout. This is a bailout of house-price speculators, partly financed by the taxpayer through the FHOG Boost, and partly debt-financed by first home buyers. And for many of the latter, as the recession hits harder and they lose their jobs, their participation in the bailout will end in tears.

The second reason for booing: what the Budget does in relation to pensions and other social security payments – or more accurately, what it does not do. One feels a bit curmudgeonly for begrudging Age Pensioners their increase, but not all of them need it so much as the social security recipients who rent privately do. These folks include Age Pensioners, but also Single Parent Payment recipients, Newstart recipients and others, and their housing costs have recently much more than the housing costs of Age Pensioners who own their homes or who rent in social housing.

The better way to go would have been to increase these citizens' incomes through the Rent Assistance payment. In particular, the Government should have lifted the maximum amount of Rent Assistance a person can be paid, because currently it is capped at amounts that leave some recipients in severe housing stress. This would entail no across-the-board increases, nor any expansion of eligibility, so shouldn't inflate rents generally – instead it would be targeted assistance to people who desperately need it. But no, they'll not be getting it from this Budget.

Tuesday, April 14, 2009

Proverbial multiple-bird killing spree

While the Easter holiday caused things to become a little quiet here at the Brown Couch, there has been plenty of news recently about renting. This post will be the single stone in my attempt at a proverbial multiple-bird killing spree.

First, a rarely-sighted headline, courtesy of the Herald:

Good news for renters in sought-after suburbs

Good news indeed – the Herald's economics writer and Brown Couch regular Jessica Irvine goes on to report:

THE tide has turned on Sydney's upper rental market, as properties lie vacant and landlords are forced to slice asking prices by as much as 20 per cent.

The figures are not exactly new – they come from the Rent and Sales Report released last month – and they are used rather selectively – the Housing Minister, David Borger, used the same report to claim that rents had increased by 20 per cent in western Sydney.

But what is interesting is the narrative; that there is now a story to be told about straightened demand (wage restraint, job losses, general caution) and even increased supply (as owners of unoccupied properties start to think they really should try to get a bit of revenue out of their 'investments') leading to expectations of lower rents.

Of course, nothing's affordable if you're out of work, and the Sunday Telegraph reports that Fujitsu Consulting estimates that if the unemployment rate rises to 7.5 per cent, up to 183 000 renting households (68 000 of them in New South Wales) will fall into arrears and face eviction. And if unemployment reaches nine per cent, those numbers increase to 216 000 and 79 000 households, across Australia and in New South Wales respectively.

The report seems to suggest that this is as much a tragedy for the landlords as it is for the tenants:

With many of Australia's 1.9 million landlords needing the rent to cover mortgage payments, few give the tenants much extra time to pay arrears and tenants can find themselves on the streets within weeks.

Indeed, landlord may be left with 'little choice but to evict the occupants' of their investment.

Well, maybe there are some other choices available. Maybe landlords can try reducing rents for tenants who become unemployed.

That's not such an outlandish suggestion. After all, if landlords do evict 216 000 households, to whom are they going to rent all these vacant properties? If they will rent only to employed persons, these persons will be faced with a considerably increased supply of available properties, and can expect to drive a harder bargain – hence lower rents. Or the property might be rented to another unemployed person, who can afford only a lower rent.

And finally, another report from Irvine in the Herald, this time about suggestions that house prices at the lower end of the market are being kept up not just by the First Home Owners Grant and Boost, but also by the Federal Government's National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS). The scheme pays developers a subsidy of $8 000 per annum for new rental properties that are let at submarket rents for 10 years. Reports Irvine:

Analysts warn that the scheme, intended to increase the supply of cheap rental accommodation, is contributing to a boom in house prices under $500,000, making home purchase more expensive.

I follow that argument, but there's a couple more things to keep in mind. The NRAS is a finite scheme: there's 50 000 subsidy 'packages' available, and a competitive application process to get them (contrast the FHOG and Boost, of which any number can be given away, just as long as you suspend your critical faculties and get in quick before 1 July!). The NRAS is also for new supply only (again, contrast the FHOG and Boost). Both these things should be counted against any inflationary potential.

But more importantly, NRAS delivers some much-need low-cost rental accommodation, and keeps it low cost for at least 10 years. The FHOG and Boost will end in tears; NRAS will make a much more positive contribution to the housing system.

Monday, March 23, 2009

A light through the FHOG (or: Down with the Boost)

In a couple of recent posts, I have grumbled about the First Home Owners Grant (FHOG) and, especially, the First Home Owners Boost.

These criticisms have been rather incidental to other issues of concern here at the Tenants' Union; for a more sustained discussion, please head over to Steve Keen's Debtwatch blog, where Steve has just posted his analysis of the FHOG. It's devastating; I commend it to readers of the Brown Couch.

And if you can't make it to the sustained discussion, I'll offer just a couple of things you might add to your own thinking on the subject:
  • prospective first home buyers: is it really such a good idea to borrow a lot of money to buy an overpriced asset at the start of a recession? Does an extra $7 000 or $14 000 really make it any better an idea?
  • Housing Ministers: is it really fair to use first home buyers to try to prop up overinflated house prices? Leaving aside fairness – how can it actually work?


(Down with the Boost!)