Showing posts with label Local Government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Local Government. Show all posts

Friday, May 27, 2016

Can I hang electoral material in my rented property?

It's election time in Australia, and political signs on front lawns and windows are cropping up across the country. We've been contacted by a number of tenants in recent days asking about their rights to have a sign up in their property - some have been approached by landlords asking them to take the advertising down again.

Our legal eagles got interested in the question so here's the skinny on your rights to hang political signage.

The TU does not endorse political parties or candidates. The TU does endorse Pedro.

The High Court

First things first, Australians do have a right to political expression. In 1992 in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (ACTV) 177 CLR 1 the High Court made a decision confirming that right despite there not being a specific constitutional protection as in other countries like the USA. Read more here.

Council Requirements

Councils have rules around signage on properties and on the street. While it might be unlikely a little sign in your front yard or window needs approval, it could be worth checking with your local council about the size and type of signage you propose to hang, particularly if it's on the bigger end.

Strata by-laws

Most strata blocks have by-laws that restrict you from changing the external appearance of the lot without first gaining consent of the owner's corporation. Arguably election material may fall afoul of this by-law - if your strata brings it up with you, check out our factsheet on living in strata and get advice!

Tenancy Rights

When you rent premises, you become entitled to the ‘reasonable peace, comfort and privacy’ in your use of the premises. The landlord/agent must not interfere with, or cause or permit anyone to interfere with, your peace, comfort and privacy.

In relation to electoral signage, we consider it a breach of a tenant's reasonable peace, comfort and privacy for a landlord to demand the removal of political signage so long as the signs are legal, and not causing damage to the property.

However, all these rights can't stop New South Wales landlords from giving you a "No Grounds" termination notice, and it's unlikely that the retaliatory provisions will help. This alone may prevent many tenants from participating fully in the election process. One more reason to support stronger tenancy rights, for democracy!

If you are getting hassled by your landlord about political signage, get advice from your local Tenants' Advice and Advocacy Service.

Monday, October 26, 2015

Mythbusters: Boarding House Edition

'If the prostitutes and criminals don't get you, the ice addicts, deviants, and bums surely will. Why just look at them now, the usual suspects leering at you from their den of ill repute - or 'boarding house', which I do believe is the technical term:


"We'll get ya!"

I assume they paint the boarding house walls in the style of a police lineup to save time. Save yourself while you can - run to the hills (district)!'

Or so went the dominant view surrounding the application for construction of an eight-room boarding house in Cromer, on Sydney's Northern Beaches. Warringah Council's Development Assessment Panel granted development approval last week despite an overwhelmingly predictable backlash. Approximately 800 individuals made submissions to council regarding the development. According to The Sydney Morning Herald, just 0.12% - that is, one - of the submissions were supportive of the project. The record shows those 799 dissenters included Social Housing Minister The Hon. Brad Hazzard MP, Warringah Mayor Michael Regan, and the Principal of a neighbouring primary school. 

The following comments are not attributable to any of those persons, but do give an idea of the flavour of much of the opposition:

"Most [boarding houses] are filled with ice addicts, heroin junkies, paedophiles and jail birds. Please stop this from happening asap [sic].."

"Not only because there is no control over who will be living there (paedophiles???) but also because the children might be exposed to drug/alcohol related problems."


Clearly, these are serious numbers and very serious allegations. So how could the Cromer boarding house have been granted approval? Does it evince a disregard for community safety and interests? Perhaps a sign of arrogance - hubris even? The undue influence of property developers? Or could the opposition campaign be extraordinarily misguided in multiple respects?

Lock in D for the full million, Eddie. It is difficult to know where to start in debunking the opposition to what should be an entirely uncontroversial development.

But let's start with what exactly has been approved. As Warringah Council's report on the development application provides, the Cromer project may be categorised as a 'new generation boarding house'. Earlier this year, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute ('AHURI') released a discussion paper which defines the term. And the truth is less than earth shattering: "blocks of small 'studio apartments' or in some cases one-bedroom apartments with separate bathroom and kitchenette". And those undesirables? According to AHURI, they are largely a mix of professionals, students, and shift workers, often paying in the vicinity of $400 a week in rent.

So don't believe the hype. The Cromer development is a largely ordinary apartment block, set to be inhabited by an 'ordinary' cross section of the community. 


Somebody please think of the children!

But even if the project better resembled a more traditional boarding house, the 'addicts and criminals' claim would not hold water. As the AHURI report states, traditional boarding houses are indeed home to "some of society's most excluded and vulnerable individuals...". But the assumption that vulnerable residents bring danger and degradation is simply not borne out. 

Just look at Cromer itself. According to Fair Trading's Boarding Houses Register, its postcode of 2099 is already home to two such boarding houses. The neighbouring postcodes of 2098 and 2100 also contain one each. And there are likely more still, as the AHURI report notes: "...there are strong grounds for believing that the actual scale of NSW boarding house provision is understated by the Fair Trading register...the numbers registered with Fair Trading as at August 2014 were considerably fewer than those formally approved to operate as boarding houses by the council concerned." 

The reality is that the people the campaign so fears will move in are already living in and around Cromer, possibly in considerable numbers. And yet the sky has resolutely failed to fall. Fear and loathing inspired by the vulnerable of our community is simply wasted. 

Finally, the notion that a development application should be refused on account of objections such as those raised in this matter does not concord with how planning law works. Broadly, a development application is assessed according to its compliance with technical and dispassionate criteria, such as height limitations and permitted use. Subjective contentions such as those raised by the opposition here do not get a look in. This quote from the NSW Land and Environment Court, relied upon by the panel in approving the Cromer project, puts it best: "The consent authority must not blindly accept the subjective fears and concerns expressed in the public submissions...there must be evidence."

So forget the hysteria, loud as it may be, and rest easy. This development will not send Cromer to hell in a hand basket. Indeed, this has all happened before, as the seemingly prophetic words of a boarding house proprietor quoted in the AHURI report make clear:

"When [council] has the notification period...all hell breaks loose. There's a residents' action group that's formed, there's agitation from them, you'll have 40 people come to the Council meeting, all throw their arms up, 'there'll be derelicts here, there'll be drug dependents, etc., not in our back yard, get rid of it. Make sure you refuse Mr Council and Mr Mayor and make sure it goes away'."


Far from devastation, the Northern Beaches are as safe as boarding houses. 

Thursday, November 15, 2012

Strata redevelopment proposals expose flaws in the housing system

New South Wales' first strata title schemes are now more than 50 years old; there are also plenty of even older buildings that have been subdivided into strata units over the years. With age these buildings have sustained a bit of wear and tear (some residents may feel the same about themselves!). But many are desirably-located, in inner and middle Sydney.

Developers have had their eyes on them for some time, but their designs are often frustrated by the necessity of getting every single owner to agree to sell up and terminate the scheme. Now the NSW State Government is having a look at them too.


In its current review of strata title law, NSW Fair Trading is considering changing the law about terminating strata schemes, in order to facilitate 'urban renewal'. Suggested changes include removing the requirement of a unanimous decision by owners to terminate – instead a majority would do, with some owners having to sell up against their wishes. Fair Trading is asking for feedback on what size of majority is appropriate, and whether there should be a process for owners to collectively sell their units or participate in the redevelopment.

We think that before it goes any further in considering these details, the NSW State Government should first consider the wider housing implications of such changes. We're worried that without the State Government also committing to a stronger affordable housing policy and additional investment in social housing, these changes may result in thousands of households losing relatively affordable and – in the case of owner-occupiers – secure housing.

We have identified two groups of people who we believe would be particularly vulnerable. 

The first are older, lower-income owner-occupiers. From our analysis of data from the 2011 Census, we calculate that there are about 29 000 older, lower-income owner-occupiers (aged 60+, income less than $60K, no mortgages) living in strata schemes in the inner and middle rings of Sydney. Of this group, two-thirds (66 per cent) have incomes of less than $600 per week.

These residents may have lived in their strata schemes for many years, and have deep links to the local area. They may also have no assets other than their strata unit and, if they were forced to sell their unit because of the termination of their scheme, they may not be able to afford to buy again in the same area. This is a real possibility, especially if the market for units in the scheme is limited (because the scheme is run-down, and there are insufficient funds for repairs, there may be few or no prospective purchasers other than developers). 

In the event of the termination of their schemes, these older, lower-income owner-occupiers may be faced with choosing between buying again out of their area, or renting locally. Buying and moving may mean losing their social and cultural links and connections to local services, such as medical assistance. Renting would mean at least some time spent in the private rental market, which offers very little security of tenure. These persons could apply for social housing, but may be ineligible because of the income and/or assets criteria; even if eligible, waiting times for most types of social housing dwellings in the inner and middle rings of Sydney are between five and 10 years, or more than 10 years.  

For a group that has enjoyed low housing costs and high security, and expected to continue to do so in their old age, these may appear to be a very unsatisfactory set of housing options indeed.

The second group are older, lower-income private tenants. From the 2011 Census data, we calculate that there are about 14 000 older lower-income private tenants (aged 60+, income less than $60K) in strata schemes in the inner and middle rings of Sydney. Of this group, almost 5 000 live alone, and of these, about two thirds (66 per cent) have incomes of less than $600 per week.

Unlike owner-occupiers, these residents do not enjoy secure tenure, and the available Census data do not disclose the affordability of their housing. We acknowledge that the supply of rental accommodation in inner and middle Sydney would probably – eventually – be increased as a result of the redevelopment of older strata schemes. Nonetheless, we are concerned that when a strata scheme is terminated, these residents would face an unsatisfactory set of housing options like those faced by older, lower-income owner-occupiers. It is likely that they would not be able to rent affordably in the local area, whether during the redevelopment, or afterwards when the redevelopment of their particular scheme is complete – as the new premises will almost certainly rent for substantially more than those in the old scheme, and these renters have little prospect of increasing their incomes. They would therefore have to move away, or try to rent unaffordably locally while waiting for social housing. 

These vulnerable groups of strata residents – and other residents who may be adversely affected by urban renewal – need more than legislated safeguards in a reformed strata scheme termination process. They need a better set of housing options – better than those presented by our current planning and social housing systems and tenancy laws.  

The planning system makes provision for the development of affordable rental housing, but its approach is mostly permissive and voluntary (per the Affordable Rental Housing SEPP, and some voluntary planning agreements); there is legislative provision for a mandatory approach (under s 94F of the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979 (NSW)), but the State Government has restricted this approach very narrowly to only a handful of sites in Sydney. The whole of the planning system is now under review by the State Government; it has flagged that there will be a high-level ‘Housing Supply and Affordability Planning Policy’, but there is no indication yet that it will strengthen the mandatory provision of affordable housing – or even its permissive, voluntary provision. 

The social housing system is stuck in a state of no net growth, and has been for more than a decade. Given that the population is growing, no net growth means the social housing system is declining relatively. As indicated by the waiting times above, the social housing system is no longer directed to serving people who simply need affordable housing: in most cases, an applicant must experience a crisis before they are served.  Most social housing allocations (70 per cent) are now made on a priority basis, rather than a wait-turn basis (30 per cent); five years ago, those proportions were reversed (download Shelter NSW's NSW Housing Factsheet for these figures and more).
  

Our tenancy laws enshrine insecurity by failing to give even the modest assurance that a tenancy may be terminated on reasonable grounds only. Landlords continue to be allowed to give termination notices without grounds and, under provisions that commenced with the Residential Tenancies Act 2010, there is now no discretion for the Consumer, Trader and Tenancy Tribunal to decline to order termination on the basis of a no-grounds notice. This is an injustice to the tenant receiving the notice, and makes tenants as a class needlessly insecure in their homes.

The urban renewal contemplated in NSW Fair Trading's strata review may expose thousands of people to these flaws in our housing system, and place the flawed system under further stress. We're asking that the NSW State Government  review the housing implications of proposals to facilitate urban renewal, including those relating to strata scheme terminations, with input from all interested State Government agencies, non-government organisations and members of the public, with the objective that all persons who are unhoused by urban renewal should have access to affordable, secure alternative housing in the location of their choice.

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Bankstown fire flat: a 'mini-boarding house'?

Like many people, we've been disturbed and saddened by the reports of the recent fire at the Euro Terrace apartment block in Bankstown, where a young woman died after she and a friend leapt from a fifth floor flat to escape the flames.

Our thoughts go to the family and friends of the young woman who died, and the other young woman who survived with serious injuries. We feel too for all those residents made temporarily homeless while awaiting repairs.


According to early reports, there were defects in the way the whole block was built: in particular, it had allegedly had an unauthorised roofed atrium added, which trapped heat and smoke in building.

Lately it has been reported that there were problems within the flat itself: in particular, that part of the dining room had been walled off to create an additional (fourth) bedroom, and locks had been installed on the bedroom doors. The implication is that the flat was being operated as a 'mini-boarding house'.

We make no comment here as to the liability of the builders or certifiers of the block, or of the owner or managing agents of the flat. We will also not go here into the question of the adequacy of current laws about building certification or fire safety.

What we will we consider here is how the NSW State Government's proposed boarding house law reform might operate in relation to a flat operating as a 'mini-boarding house', on the facts as reported by the Herald. We stress: this is conjecture – the Government's draft Boarding Houses Bill is not law, and if and when it becomes law, there may be differences between its terms and those of the current draft Bill.

First there is the question of whether a flat, operating as a 'mini-boarding house', would be covered by the legislation. The physical form of the premises isn't the issue here: the draft Bill provides that even a 'vehicle, vessel or aircraft' could be boarding premises, so a flat certainly could be. The key question is whether the premises provides beds for five or more persons (not counting the proprietor, if they reside there too). If it does (and a four-bedroom flat could do, because sharing a room in these situations is common), the flat would be covered as a tier 1 registrable boarding house. But if it's for four persons or fewer: no, it would not be covered. (And we leave aside the question of tier 2 boarding houses; these are residential centres for vulnerable persons, and the sort of flats we're discussing are not these.)

Before we leave the question of coverage: under the current terms of the draft Bill, the flat would not be covered – even if five or more persons lived there – if the flat is subject to a residential tenancy agreement (ie between the owner and one of the residents, or between the owner and an absent head-tenant who rents out the rooms). We've previously called this a fatal loophole in the draft Bill, and we understand that the Government sees the problem and will fix it in the final version of the Bill.

Secondly, there is the issue of registration. If a flat is a tier 1 boarding house, the draft Bill says the proprietor (either the owner or the head-tenant, whoever is letting the rooms) must register the flat on the Boarding Houses Register (which would be established by the legislation).

Registration has nothing to do whether the premises are approved for use as a boarding house by the local council – that's a separate process. For the purposes of the Boarding Houses Bill, if the premises  fit the definition of a registrable boarding house under the Bill, they've got to be registered (whether approved for use as a boarding house or not); if they're not registered, the proprietor is guilty of an offence.

If the flat is registered as a boarding house, the draft Bill states that the local council must inspect it within 12 months. The purpose of the inspection is to determine whether the flat complies with requirements relating to building and fire safety, and with standards for shared accommodation. (More on this in a moment.)

Of course, if the proprietor knows that the flat is not approved by the council for use as a boarding house, or that it does not comply with building and fire safety requirements, they'll probably not register. If that's the case, the Boarding Houses Register might still help the local council catch up with them. Say a neighbour is suspicious about the fact that what looks form the outside to be a three-bedroom flat is home to several adults. The neighbour would be able to search the Register (it will be online) for the premises and, finding no match, then report their suspicions to the local council. They might also report their suspicions to NSW Fair Trading, as the keeper of the Register, which might then prosecute the proprietor's breach of the registration requirement.

Thirdly, there is the issue of building and fire safety requirements and standards. This is what the council will consider when it inspects or investigates the premises. For the council, there's also the question of whether the use of the premises as a boarding house is approved and what to do about it in the very likely event that it is not approved.

In considering these questions, the council will be looking at what the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act and Regulation, its own Development Control Plans, and the Building Code of Australia say about boarding houses. What these things say generally proceeds from the BCA's classification of boarding houses into two classes: Class 1b buildings and Class 3 buildings.

Class 1b boarding houses are typical small-medium sized boarding houses (not more than 300 square meters in area, and accommodating not more than 12 persons), but because they are defined as being 'not located about or below another dwelling or another Class of building', a flat in a strata scheme won't fit the definition.

Class 3 applies to boarding houses other than Class 1b boarding houses... but the assumption in the BCA and elsewhere is that these will be large boarding houses (not 'mini' ones, like a single flat), capable of complying with relatively onerous requirements in relation to shared facilities, such as kitchens and bathrooms, and fire safety (for example, sprinkler systems). It's difficult to see how a typical flat could comply with the requirements of a Class 3 building, but that's for the council to determine.

There's also the issue of the number of persons residing in the flat – and the question of overcrowding. This is addressed in the standards for 'places of shared accommodation' in Part 2 of Schedule 2 of the Local Government (General) Regulation, which provides (at clause 1) that councils can determine a maximum number of boarders or lodgers for each bedroom or dormitory, and for the whole of the premises, for premises that are 'places of shared accommodation'. Under the draft Boarding Houses Bill, these standards would apply to all registrable boarding houses. The council might consider any limits on numbers of occupants it may have provided for in its own development approval for the strata scheme.

A further note on the standards for places of shared accommodation under the Reg – it is hard to see a flat complying with some these: for example, the requirement at clause 2(2) that 'a schedule showing the numeral designating each bedroom and dormitory and the number of persons permitted to be accommodated in each must be conspicuously displayed on the premises'.

So, there are many ways in which a flat operating as a 'mini-boarding house' might contravene the requirements and standards applied by councils.

As for what the council might do – depending on the circumstances, it can order that:
  • the proprietor stop using the flat for a purpose that has not been approved; 
  • the proprietor reverse any unlawful work done to the premises;
  • the proprietor stop carrying on an activity that constitutes a life-threatening hazard or threat to public health;
  • the proprietor do things to ensure adequate fire safety;
  • everyone leave the premises, because the proprietor has failed to comply with a public health or fire safety order; and
  • that the proprietor take action to bring the premises into compliance with the standards for places of shared accommodation.

The power to make these orders already exists (the first five are from section 121B of the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979; the last is from section 124 of the Local Government Act 1993) – but it seems to us that the reforms in the Boarding Houses Bill would help in the identification of premises that councils should be looking at, including 'mini-boarding houses' operating from blocks of flats, and usefully direct councils get in and make orders where necessary.

When it comes to learning from and responding to the terrible event at the Euro Terrace, it may be that changes to the law about building design and certification will be the key to safer flats and buildings, but the changes to the law already pending in the Boarding Houses Bill can also be seen as contributing to the same end.

Friday, May 11, 2012

The Housing Improvement Board

We've been observing the centenary of the public housing system in New South Wales, starting with  the Housing Board, the State's first – albeit relatively short-lived – public housing agency, established a hundred years ago last month by a reforming Labor government. The next major development in the history of public housing in New South Wales was the work of a conservative government: the Housing Improvement Board, established in 1936 by the United Australia Party government led by Sir Bertram Sydney Barnsdale Stevens.


(Premier B S B Stevens (seated) and his Cabinet)
Stevens came up with the idea of the Housing Improvement Board following a study tour of Britain, where he was impressed by the slum clearance and home-building being done by local councils. The job of the Housing Improvement Board was to guide local councils in New South Wales to becoming builders and landlords themselves – not the State Government.
The idea that local government should be a provider of public housing was present at the commencement of the public housing system in New South Wales: at the same time as it introduced the Housing Act 1912, the NSW State Government also introduced the Sydney Corporation (Dwelling Houses) Act 1912, enabling the Sydney City Council to build rental housing; and one of the collateral benefits of the Housing Board's construction of Daceyville was that it might inspire local councils to do more of the same themselves. 
In the case of the Housing Improvement Board, however, the Board's express purpose was to provide a persuasive demonstration of benefits of planned slum clearance and housing development to local councils. Its first task was to build a demonstration project of modern, sanitary flats. After looking about the inner suburbs of Sydney, it settled on Erskineville as the site. A good choice: Erskineville then had lots of crummy houses, lots of tenants (about 85 per cent of the population rented), and a large park that could be included in the redevelopment and reduce its cost. Unfortunately for the Board, Erskineville (then a municipality in its own right) also had one Alderman A P 'Pop' Henry, a key Labor machine man, sometime mayor and, as it happened, a real estate agent. 
At Henry's agitation, Erskineville Council opposed the scheme; so did hundreds of residents, who signed the petition below, circulated by Henry:
WE the undersigned RATEPAYERS and RESIDENTS of ERSKINEVILLE desire to
protest against the proposed erection of FLATS in ERSKINEVILLE PARK, and wish
to emphaisse [sic] that if any rebuilding scheme is carried out the people shall be
supplied with semi-detached cottages or such other designs of building that will give
each family a definite form of homelife embodying a backyard to each home.

Our objections are based on the following grounds:
(1) FLATS are not desirable. Where they have been undertaken on Communal
lines in New South Wales they have invariably been a failure as instanced by
the efforts of the Sydney Council (City)
(2) FLATS are unsuitable in an industrial area because the industrial classes
have the largest families and large families and family homelife has been the
backbone of the development of the British Empire.
(3) FLATS on moral and religious grounds have a definite tendency to make
people limit their families by birth control methods, which has a definite
injurious effect on the health and morals of married people.
(4) Community grounds for drying clothes on washing day takes away from the
homelife which families have been used to and is foreign to industrial classes
who have always had their own drying grounds. The washing and drying of
women’s private garments (personal hygiene, etc) demands the amount of
privacy every female is entitled to.
(5) Private space for gardens and lawn tends to increase the homelife of the
individual supplying for him a hobby that is so essential. This also allows
children to play in their own backyards where they are under direct control of
the parents. The appalling number of street accidents to children speaks for
itself.
(6) If we desire to populate Australia with Austrlians [sic] we must encourage
them to propogate [sic]. If people are encouraged to live in FLATS small
families will result.
(7) The swampy area intended for building will make it necessary to have an
up- to-date drainage system instituted. In England it is illegal to build on made
soil.
(8) Infectious diseases in children must be isolated. How are we to isolate in
COMMUNITY backyards?
In view of the foregoing, we therefore voice our unified protest and ask the Housing
Board to refrain from building FLATS on the plan introduced.              

As Harvey Volke, historian of early public housing in New South Wales, wryly observed, it is not known how many of those who signed had to pay their rent to Henry.

Despite the opposition of the Labor councilors, the scheme was built, but the Board's legal and financial weakness was exposed and its persuasive powers were spent. However, the Board's 56 flats, in seven walk-up blocks, still stand today – and thank goodness, because the Erskineville estate is a lovely spot, and still a model of the good that public housing can do.